by David Huntington
Today, the city of Schwerin is generally renowned for its fairy-tale castle, scenic waterscapes, and eclectic old town lined with narrow, cobblestoned streets, historic buildings, half-timbered houses, bustling markets, and a mélange of restaurants and cafes.

There is, however, another side to Schwerin; one which isn’t featured in travel guides nor social media feeds. Namely, owing to its remarkable population growth while part of former East Germany, Schwerin is the site of several large-scale housing estates from the 1960s to 1980s. These primarily residential communities are located on the outskirts of the city centre and characterised by a fairly homogeneous urban fabric of medium- to high-rise prefabricated apartment blocks surrounded by generously-sized green spaces, wide streets, and an abundance of surface parking.

While these communities were celebrated for their modern facilities and quality of life during the era of state socialism, in the years since the fall of the Berlin Wall they have increasingly become somewhat of a poster child for the socio-spatial perils of shocking institutional change and structural urban shrinkage.
The link between urban shrinkage and socio-spatial inequalities
Although short- to long-term phases of population and economic decline are hardly unique among former East German cities, Schwerin makes for an interesting study as it appears to be a case in point of how the conditions of shrinkage—namely, structural population decline triggered by economic, environmental, or socio-political stressors—and connected processes such as selective migration and housing vacancy can make cities especially vulnerable to worsening socio-spatial inequalities. More specifically, Schwerin’s path of socio-spatial change during and in the wake of shrinkage is marked by growing residential divides among different social groups, whereby the rich and poor, old and young, as well as natives and migrants are increasingly residing in certain areas of the city.
This is partly owing to the fact that waves of migration between Schwerin and other cities, and within Schwerin itself, during the 1990s and 2000s were largely selective in nature; it was above all those who could who moved away from less attractive neighbourhoods to their choice of inner-city quarters, existing and new suburban developments, or beyond.
So, while the relaxed housing market that coincided with Schwerin’s shrinkage led to increased residential mobility, it did not, contrary to what one might assume, facilitate social mixing. They rather kickstarted what has often been described in the literature as a sort of ‘brain drain.’ Simply put, this is because better-off households were better positioned to capitalise on this window of opportunity to improve their living conditions.

In other words, urban shrinkage affected the dynamics of socio-spatial change and acted as a catalyst for residential segregation: the separation, whether forced or voluntary, of different population groups according to, for example, demographic, socio-economic, or cultural characteristics, in different locations over a larger area.
Wicked problems
Worsening socio-spatial inequalities in Schwerin were confirmed in a study by the Berlin-based Social Science Center (WZB), which analysed levels and patterns of residential segregation of select socio-economically vulnerable groups in numerous German cities between 2005 and 2014. In addition to generally rising levels of segregation among many of the cities in question, the study found an invisible border often runs between reurbanised or modernised inner-city quarters and large prefabricated housing estates on the outskirts, especially in former East German cities[1]. This is just the situation in Schwerin, where patterns of socio-economic differentiation have developed between two extremes. On the one hand, there are the historic inner-city districts, with a mix of architectural styles and walkable streets—often bustling with locals and tourists, rain or shine—but also a proliferation of luxury apartments in the premium price segment and increasing concentrations of better-off residents. On the other, there are large housing estates just beyond the historic centre, comprised of prefabricated buildings standing from the era of state socialism, which, despite ongoing modernisation and so-called integrated urban development planning efforts, have become increasingly overrepresented by socio-economically vulnerable households ranging from the unemployed, to social assistance beneficiaries, to migrants, to the elderly.

Of course, the fact that Schwerin’s population has declined from a peak of more than 130,000 in 1988 to roughly 95,000 today is not the only factor at play. Several additional, intertwined structural forces, many of which are intrinsically related to population change, have figured into the city’s path and patterns of socio-economic segregation. Such forces include but are not limited to the greater region’s post-socialist economic transformation to a capitalist market; its post-industrial shift towards a high-tech, service, and tourism-based economy; welfare state reforms; broader demographic and lifestyle trends; changing international migratory patterns; and increasing exposure to neoliberalism and globalism, in addition to urban sprawl and suburbanisation.
Nevertheless, in Schwerin, it appears the aforementioned processes of urban shrinkage, combined with the city’s heterogeneous urban morphology—consisting of, broadly speaking, a medieval city centre, pockets of large socialist-era housing estates, and a scattering of more suburban areas—have played a noteworthy role in the city’s socio-spatial change and contemporary challenges with segregation.
Measuring residential segregation
Given the necessary raw data, a variety of statistical methods can be applied to analyse levels or patterns of segregation in cities. Oftentimes, however, such inequalities may be readily apparent by simply walking the streets. In Schwerin, these challenges are particularly noticeable in the adjacent districts of Großer Dreesch, Mueßer Holz, and Neu Zippendorf; collectively known as the Dreesch. Located about five kilometres south of the city centre, these primarily residential districts were constructed between 1976 and 1989 and almost exclusively consist of prefabricated five- to eleven-storey apartment blocks.
At the time of their completion, these apartments were highly sought after in light of their offerings, such as spacious living space, central heating, balconies, close proximity to shopping and schools, parks and nature, as well as convenient access to the city centre by personal or public transport. As a sign of the area’s popularity, some 62,000 residents—more than half of Schwerin’s population—called the Dreesch home in the 1980s.

Today, fewer than 25,000 people live here. In terms of population composition, the area includes by far the largest shares of socio-economically disadvantaged groups, whether we are speaking of recipients of social assistance, unemployment insurance, or rates of children living below the poverty line. In recent years, the combined effect of high vacancy rates and relatively low rents alongside Germany’s record-breaking influx of refugees in 2015 and 2016 have led to previously unseen spatial concentrations of immigrants among these areas and corresponding increases in city-wide levels of socio-economic segregation.

In addition to overrepresentations of socio-economically vulnerable households in these peripherally-located districts, segregation is also increasing in the other direction, insofar as shares of affluent households are growing among certain inner-city and suburban districts. While this may be due in part to above-average rents and property values in more desirable neighbourhoods, arguably even more significant is the spatial distribution of the city’s existing social housing, which is primarily clustered in parts of the city with an abundance of below-average rental options. The concern that social mixing hangs not on the absolute number of units, but instead on their location, has been raised by numerous local actors and was highlighted in a follow-up to the aforementioned study [2]. In fact, cities with relatively high shares of social housing clustered in peripheral or otherwise marginalised areas may be tempting the fate of residential segregation and all of its attendant social inequalities.
A vicious cycle of decline
Left unchecked, socio-economic segregation may fuel a range of negative consequences, including reduced levels of educational achievement among children and young adults, waning opportunities on the local labour market, and even declining voter turnout. Moreover, where concentrations of disadvantaged groups in marginalised areas are concerned, segregation can instigate stigmatisation, which in turn reinforces the challenge of combating segregation, not to mention further urban shrinkage.
Accordingly, a leading principle of urban planning in Germany and generally throughout Europe is socially mixed communities that afford all residents equitable access to life opportunities. Such communities not only contribute to social integration and stability, they also positively contribute to one’s health and overall well-being.
Bridging divides
Combating socio-spatial polarisation has traditionally remained first and foremost the responsibility of local politicians and governmental authorities. Alas, the deteriorated fiscal base that typically accompanies urban shrinkage leaves many cities unable to complete tasks like constructing public housing in more attractive areas, let alone maintain ailing infrastructure such as schools or waste management facilities. However, higher levels of government may also support local authorities to tackle segregation, through policies like providing funding opportunities for new social housing in coveted locations as well as the physical and socio-economic regeneration of marginalised communities.

In order to reverse trends of increasing socio-spatial inequalities, Schwerin is advised to move beyond simply mitigating the consequences of segregation by way of active neighbourhood management programs, which, despite their potential benefits for residents of such communities, have increasingly come under fire for being makeshift solutions at best (and for reinforcing social inequalities at worst), and towards the implementation of more effective place-sensitive policies that take into account the multiple factors at play in deprived communities. Looking ahead, the introduction of requirements for the construction of public housing in the city centre and regulations on rent increases could be key avenues for a more socially mixed and thereby just city.
David Huntington is a PhD candidate in human geography at Adam Mickiewicz University and part of the EU Horizon 2020 project RE-CITY, “Reviving shrinking cities”. Combining his background in public policy and urban planning, his current research focuses on the nexus between structural shrinkage and socio-spatial inequalities.
[1] See Helbig, M. & Jähnen, S. (2018). Wie brüchig ist die soziale Architektur unserer Städte? Trends und Analysen der Segregation in 74 deutschen Städten. Discussion Paper P 2018–001. Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung, Berlin.
[2] See Helbig, M. & Jähnen, S. (2019). Wo findet „Integration“ statt? Die sozialräumliche Verteilung von Zuwanderern in den deutschen Städten zwischen 2014 und 2017. Discussion Paper P 2019–003. Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung, Berlin.



















































